
A Cuban plane hijacker just walked out of immigration lockup not because he is innocent, but because the government could not prove it will ever get him out of the country.
Story Snapshot
- Federal Judge John Steele ordered the release of 2003 Cuban plane hijacker Maikel Guerra Morales after stalled deportation.
- The judge said the government failed to show any real chance of deporting him “in the reasonably foreseeable future.”
- A Supreme Court case, not politics, forced the choice between supervised release or unconstitutional endless detention.
- Critics blast a “Dem-appointed activist judge,” but the decision keeps strict supervision and allows re-detention if deportation ever becomes possible.
How a convicted hijacker ended up back on U.S. streets
In 2003, six Cuban men armed with knives hijacked a small passenger plane from the Isle of Youth and forced it to land in Key West, Florida. Federal prosecutors charged them with conspiracy to seize an aircraft by force, a crime that carries at least twenty years in prison. Maikel Guerra Morales was one of those men. He served more than two decades behind bars for his role in the hijacking, paying the criminal price the law demanded.
Another Day – Another dangerous Illegal Criminal – Another stupid, vile Activist Judge.
——————————MIAMI –– A criminal who violently hijacked a plane from Cuba to Florida in 2003 and served 20 years in prison had been in ICE custody awaiting deportation —…
— Naran Row-Spaulding (@NRSmaine) July 14, 2026
After he finished his sentence, immigration agents did not release him into American society. They moved him straight from prison into immigration detention, planning to deport him as a foreign felon with a final removal order. In theory, that sounds simple. In reality, deportation requires another country to take him. Cuba has a long record of refusing to accept back some ex-convicts, and the United States cannot just drop someone on a runway without permission.
Why the judge said ICE could not hold him forever
The real fight was not about what Morales did in 2003. That is settled. The fight was about how long the government can hold someone after the prison term ends when no country will take them. The Supreme Court answered this question in 2001 in Zadvydas v. Davis. That ruling said immigration officials cannot detain a person forever if there is “no significant likelihood of removal in the reasonably foreseeable future.”
Judge Steele applied that rule in blunt terms. He reviewed the evidence from Immigration and Customs Enforcement, including claims that Mexico might accept Morales as a third-country deportee. The court found no real proof that Mexico had agreed, no travel documents, and no concrete plan to move him anywhere. Steele wrote that the government “does not show a significant likelihood” that it will remove Morales soon and therefore cannot keep him locked up as a substitute for a failed deportation.
Not a free pass, but a tightly leashed release
Headlines say “plane hijacker freed,” and that sparks anger for obvious reasons. But the order does not set Morales loose without rules. Judge Steele ordered Immigration and Customs Enforcement to release him under an existing order of supervision, the same type of control the agency had used when it briefly let him out in 2023. That means check-ins, travel limits, and strict conditions. Breaking those terms can send him back into custody and even bring new criminal charges.
The ruling also leaves the door wide open for re-detention. Steele wrote that if removal becomes likely in the reasonably foreseeable future, Immigration and Customs Enforcement can lock him up again to ensure he is present for deportation. In plain language, the judge told the government: you cannot jail him forever with no plan, but the moment you have a real destination and paperwork, you can take him back into custody and put him on a plane.
Activist judge, or judge following Supreme Court orders?
Critics online and in conservative media call Steele a “Dem-appointed activist judge” for releasing a foreign hijacker into the United States. The label is politically useful. It suggests the court cared more about the rights of a criminal than the safety of Americans. That anger is understandable. Most people expect foreign felons to be put on the next flight out, not monitored in the neighborhood where their kids live and work.
Plane Hijacker Freed by Activist Judge Just Weeks After ICE Detention
A Cuban national who hijacked a passenger plane in 2003, assaulted the crew, and forced it to divert to Florida has been released back into U.S. communities by a Dem-appointed federal judge — despite awaiting… pic.twitter.com/Pnz3epp2SC
— Paul A. Szypula 🇺🇸 (@Bubblebathgirl) July 14, 2026
But the uncomfortable fact is this: Congress wrote the immigration laws, and the Supreme Court already limited how far those laws can go. Zadvydas came from the high court, not from Judge Steele. Conservatives who support the rule of law face a tough choice. Either the government respects constitutional limits even when the defendant is a hijacker, or we accept a system where agencies can lock up anyone they cannot deport and throw away the key. That kind of unchecked power rarely stops with the “worst” people.
What this case reveals about the system, not just one man
Morales’s case exposes a larger failure in federal immigration policy. The United States keeps detaining people it cannot actually remove, then blames judges when the Constitution forces a release. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has had years to secure a country willing to receive this man and others like him. Yet court records show no real progress, only vague hopes that Mexico or Cuba might change their minds. A serious enforcement system would treat that diplomatic deadlock as its job to fix.
Many conservatives argue the government’s first duty is to protect citizens from foreign criminals. That principle is sound. But protection is not the same as endless imprisonment in legal limbo. The better answer is tougher, clearer removal deals with sending countries and strict, enforceable supervision at home when deportation fails. Blaming a single judge may scratch the political itch, but it does nothing to close the loophole that let a convicted hijacker walk out under a court order the Constitution almost certainly required.
Sources:
nypost.com, newsweek.com, instagram.com, law.justia.com, ecf.flmd.uscourts.gov, theguardian.com, dhs.gov



